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E-mailHassan Al Huwaidi
Wednesday, November 5, 2008
In March of 1978, Taleb Al Jassim was Director General of the Al-Raqa sugar company. He had succeeded Al Rawi, a former pilot who had fled Syria for Iraq under threat of a political arrest. In his time as Director General, Al-Raqa sugar company was involved in a scandal when it was revealed that, under Taleb, the company had been mixing white lime grounds into the sugar beet paste, saving production costs by debasing their product.
In spite of the white lime scandal, Taleb’s position with the company remained secure. He was eventually appointed director of the Directorate of Supply and Internal Trade. The institution of the Directorate of Supply and Internal Trade is well known in its province for corruption. The patrols of the supply control used to collect an accumulated millions of Syrian pounds per month in bribes from businesses across the Al-Raqa province. These bribes were distinct from tax collection, a source of extra income for the workers of the Directorate, including the director of supply and members of the leadership of the Baath party. Taleb Al Jassin had a major role in distributing these ill-gotten gains to the members of his institution and those outside of the institution who took a cut of the bribes.
Taleb’s time with the Directorate of Supply and Internal Trade made him a wealthy man. He used his access to the money to make contacts and allies inside the national leadership, and was rewarded by being appointed a member of the branch of the Baath Arab Socialist Party and made head of the Office of Supply and Internal Control for a few years, until his term there expired and he returned to the Directorate of Supply and Internal Trade. There he remained until the year 2000, when he lost his job during the anticorruption campaign launched by Prime Minister Mahmoud Al Zoghbi, whose dedication to preventing corruption lead ultimately to his death under ‘mysterious circumstances.’
Taleb rebounded easily from his dismissal, finding a position in one of the private universities in Al-Raqa province. There, he continued his custom of taking advantage of his position, branching out into new and lower forms of criminal behavior. He slipped a narcotic substance into the coffee cup of one of the night shift’s female employees and then, once the drug had taken effect, he abducted her to his private home to rape her.
The woman resisted, and the next day she filed a complaint to the tribunal. Taleb was arrested and transferred to the civil prison in Al-Raqa. Due to his standing, he was placed in a special room, equipped with every amenity, and permitted visitors at all times. He didn’t hesitate to take advantage of his wealth, and important officials and judges were among his visitors. Nor did Taleb hesitate to make use of his connections, including calling upon his brother, Abdul Razzaq Al Jassim, who was and still is Secretary of a branch of the Baath Arab Socialist Party and himself a former judge.
People in Al-Raqa province, who all followed Taleb’s case with interest, tell of an incident that took place during Taleb’s time in prison. One day, while Taleb was taking a walk through the courtyard of the prison with other high profile prisoners, he met a young male prisoner named Nihad. Nihad was eighteen years old, and he was imprisoned for climbing into houses at night and trying to sexually assault the inhabitants. Taleb introduced himself to the young man, then asked him, “Why are you in jail, Nihad?”
“I am here for the same reason as you, sir,” Nihad responded. “The crime of rape.” Those who overheard laughed and the prison guards were quick to punish Nihad for making Taleb into a joke. Yet Nihad spoke the truth; their crimes were much the same, even if their punishments were vastly different. Nihad’s answer shows as well that everyone in the province knew exactly what Taleb was incarcerated for.
Yet the judicial system in Syria remains corrupt. After a year and a bribe of 400,000 SYP to the Criminal Court in Damascus, comrade Taleb was set free. A grand reception was organized for him upon his release, with bright lights and a great feast, as though Taleb were a returning hero rather than a would-be rapist. His allies began spreading the story that Taleb was innocent, and the story of the crime was fabricated. They left it to the imagination of their listeners exactly who would fabricate such a story against Taleb.
His victim had no such feast to celebrate her perseverance. Although she filed a complaint, she was too frightened to bring her case to the media. During Taleb’s time in prison, she had received daily callers seeking to force her to change her story or recant. Her husband, though, stood by her, asking each of those callers if they would advise the same thing if their daughter or wife had been subjected to such an attack. His blunt questions often shamed those who had come on Taleb’s behalf. Yet while many left ashamed and did not return, Taleb had plenty more allies who kept coming. When Taleb was set free from prison, the woman did not push her call for justice any further.
In the end, in Syria the regime is both the enemy and the judge. If an offender is considered to be an important pillar of the ruling authority, he can get away with whatever he wishes. The circle of corruption merely continues, and the average citizen in Syria is the ultimate victim.
Wednesday, November 5, 2008
In March of 1978, Taleb Al Jassim was Director General of the Al-Raqa sugar company. He had succeeded Al Rawi, a former pilot who had fled Syria for Iraq under threat of a political arrest. In his time as Director General, Al-Raqa sugar company was involved in a scandal when it was revealed that, under Taleb, the company had been mixing white lime grounds into the sugar beet paste, saving production costs by debasing their product. In spite of the white lime scandal, Taleb’s position with the company remained secure. He was eventually appointed director of the Directorate of Supply and Internal Trade. The institution of the Directorate of Supply and Internal Trade is well known in its province for corruption. The patrols of the supply control used to collect an accumulated millions of Syrian pounds per month in bribes from businesses across the Al-Raqa province. These bribes were distinct from tax collection, a source of extra income for the workers of the Directorate, including the director of supply and members of the leadership of the Baath party. Taleb Al Jassin had a major role in distributing these ill-gotten gains to the members of his institution and those outside of the institution who took a cut of the bribes.
Taleb’s time with the Directorate of Supply and Internal Trade made him a wealthy man. He used his access to the money to make contacts and allies inside the national leadership, and was rewarded by being appointed a member of the branch of the Baath Arab Socialist Party and made head of the Office of Supply and Internal Control for a few years, until his term there expired and he returned to the Directorate of Supply and Internal Trade. There he remained until the year 2000, when he lost his job during the anticorruption campaign launched by Prime Minister Mahmoud Al Zoghbi, whose dedication to preventing corruption lead ultimately to his death under ‘mysterious circumstances.’
Taleb rebounded easily from his dismissal, finding a position in one of the private universities in Al-Raqa province. There, he continued his custom of taking advantage of his position, branching out into new and lower forms of criminal behavior. He slipped a narcotic substance into the coffee cup of one of the night shift’s female employees and then, once the drug had taken effect, he abducted her to his private home to rape her.
The woman resisted, and the next day she filed a complaint to the tribunal. Taleb was arrested and transferred to the civil prison in Al-Raqa. Due to his standing, he was placed in a special room, equipped with every amenity, and permitted visitors at all times. He didn’t hesitate to take advantage of his wealth, and important officials and judges were among his visitors. Nor did Taleb hesitate to make use of his connections, including calling upon his brother, Abdul Razzaq Al Jassim, who was and still is Secretary of a branch of the Baath Arab Socialist Party and himself a former judge.
People in Al-Raqa province, who all followed Taleb’s case with interest, tell of an incident that took place during Taleb’s time in prison. One day, while Taleb was taking a walk through the courtyard of the prison with other high profile prisoners, he met a young male prisoner named Nihad. Nihad was eighteen years old, and he was imprisoned for climbing into houses at night and trying to sexually assault the inhabitants. Taleb introduced himself to the young man, then asked him, “Why are you in jail, Nihad?”
“I am here for the same reason as you, sir,” Nihad responded. “The crime of rape.” Those who overheard laughed and the prison guards were quick to punish Nihad for making Taleb into a joke. Yet Nihad spoke the truth; their crimes were much the same, even if their punishments were vastly different. Nihad’s answer shows as well that everyone in the province knew exactly what Taleb was incarcerated for.
Yet the judicial system in Syria remains corrupt. After a year and a bribe of 400,000 SYP to the Criminal Court in Damascus, comrade Taleb was set free. A grand reception was organized for him upon his release, with bright lights and a great feast, as though Taleb were a returning hero rather than a would-be rapist. His allies began spreading the story that Taleb was innocent, and the story of the crime was fabricated. They left it to the imagination of their listeners exactly who would fabricate such a story against Taleb.
His victim had no such feast to celebrate her perseverance. Although she filed a complaint, she was too frightened to bring her case to the media. During Taleb’s time in prison, she had received daily callers seeking to force her to change her story or recant. Her husband, though, stood by her, asking each of those callers if they would advise the same thing if their daughter or wife had been subjected to such an attack. His blunt questions often shamed those who had come on Taleb’s behalf. Yet while many left ashamed and did not return, Taleb had plenty more allies who kept coming. When Taleb was set free from prison, the woman did not push her call for justice any further.
In the end, in Syria the regime is both the enemy and the judge. If an offender is considered to be an important pillar of the ruling authority, he can get away with whatever he wishes. The circle of corruption merely continues, and the average citizen in Syria is the ultimate victim.
Some of the names of our contributors have been changed to protect their identity. The names of people interviewed have also been changed. The opinions expressed in our regional pieces reflect the beliefs of their writers, and do not necessarily reflect the beliefs or opinions of the Tharwa Foundation and its members.
