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Page 1 of 3 The Tharwa Commonwealth: An Entity Still in Search of Itself
The Tharwa Commonwealth, commonly referred to as the Middle East, the Greater Middle East, and the Muslim World among other inaccurate appellations, suffers from many intrinsic problems that have pushed its states to the brink of social and political implosion.
These problems include:
- A demographic explosion that strains the resources of most states.
- Failing economies which result from a variety of factors, including depletion of existing resources, corruption and mismanagement.
- Environmental problems deriving from climate change, drought, overgrazing, shrinking potable water resources, and industrial pollution, among other factors.
- Brain drain, as many of the brightest minds migrate to the West, the Far East, or, at least, to the more prosperous states in the region.
- Inadequate educational systems arising from population growth and continuing neglect.
- Failing state and social services leading to the expansion of poverty, inter-communal tension, and the further entrenchment of communal identities.
- Stunted civil societies which are unable to compensate for governmental shortcoming including neglect, mismanagement and corruption.
- Lack of foresight and planning on the part of existing regimes, especially in regard to investments in research and development.
- Rising religious radicalism, often associated with Islam, albeit not exclusive to it by any means. This phenomenon, which lies at the heart of international terrorism, is both a product and a cause of instability in the region and around the world.
- Reoccurring external interference that often fails to take the interests and intellectual input of the region’s peoples into consideration, or assumes a messianic character that serves to further alienate and radicalize.
- The impact of existing conflicts and hotspots (including those in Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan, the Caucasus, Darfur, Somalia, Lebanon, South Philippines, South Thailand, etc.), combined with the lack of internal peacemaking mechanisms, and the lethargic and often reluctant response of the international community.
These long-neglected issues have only compounded over the years, deteriorating life within states, interaction among states, and relations between our region and the rest of the world – a reality felt most harshly among the poorest and isolated Commonwealth members.
As current events never fail to reiterate, external actors are not immune to these concerns. Instead, their efforts to protect interests in the region gradually become problematic, unavoidable and addictive.
While international involvement in our region has historically hindered our ability to work for the attainment of our political and social goals, blaming “outsiders” entirely for our current problems is both delusional and counter-productive.
This conviction is also hypocritical –we are often unwilling to accept blame for what has been done in our name in the past, and continues to be done in our name today. We are equally unwilling to accept blame for what we tend to do to each other, which is often more heinous than what is being done to us by “outsiders.”
Indeed, it is not the responsibility of others to empower us, nor should we expect them to, or expect them not take advantage of our current weakened situation in their pursuit of the interests. States seldom live up to the dictates of morality in the international arena, and peoples have always taken advantage of each other’s weaknesses and divisions.
Our efforts are better spent trying to empower ourselves through tackling our basic developmental problems and addressing the weaknesses of our educational systems.
Yet, because of the nature of the authoritarian, corrupt and inept regimes that govern most of our states, the pursuit of development becomes enmeshed with the struggle for democratization. Combined with the interconnectedness of the modern world which both invites both foreign interference and fuels our tendency to export internal problems, achieving empowerment becomes a three-pronged process: a struggle for development, a struggle for democratization and a struggle for greater and fairer share in the global decision-making processes. Therefore, our struggle cannot take place in isolation from the world, and must, in fact, involve actors from outside the region.
Additionally, national liberation and sovereignty should no longer be our main concern – there are much bigger stakes. This does not mean that we abandon the struggle for liberating occupied lands in our region. Nor does it mean that we should ignore the various conflicts fueled, in part, by national aspirations. Indeed, we simply cannot afford to do so.
Rather, by giving weight to other considerations in addition to national liberation, we avoid the adoption of an all-or-nothing mentality that often stifles even minimal progress. This approach also strips ruling regimes of the excuses they so often employ to deflect attention from political, economic, and social reforms.
Further, the manner in which we go about achieving empowerment is of fundamental importance – relying on violent tactics will continue to undermine our ability to build stable and viable institutions necessary for developing our societies.
The path towards real and permanent change requires an unlikely yet necessary mixture of short-term pragmatism and long-term idealism. The peoples of the region need to be educated and empowered through the gradual introduction of a different revolutionary zeal – one based on a strong commitment to humanist values, democratic principles, and nonviolence.
The adoption of this mindset will be the first step toward offsetting the impact of radical ideologies (justified, for the most part, on religious bases), and in bridging the trust and awareness gaps separating the region’s civil leaders and democracy advocates from the wider citizenry .
Lastly, the Tharwa Philosophy should not be introduced as some sort of a new ideology, even if dressed in a liberal garb. Rather, the Tharwa Philosophy represents a new frame of mind characterized by openness to difference and the need for constant revision of our goals. It stands as a continuous attempt at reworking our priorities in accordance with the spirit of pragmatism and without losing sight of our declared principles, ideals, and goals. Indeed, we need to constantly challenge ourselves as well as our peoples into changing their/our ways, mores and values.
Moreover, we have to approach our struggle in the spirit of hope, love and magnanimity. Hate will not facilitate our integration into the fabric of modern civilization. On the contrary, it will render it impossible.
The cause of integration requires a higher sense of appreciation of the benefits of modern civilization, and a stronger commitment to its ethical foundations, even if we feel victimized at times by the very peoples, powers and states that claim to be the founders and early adherents of these principles. In fact, our resilience should be amply demonstrated during such times to show that our commitment to these ideals is true, strong and deep, not merely tactical.
In our struggle to empower ourselves, we need to become the moral leaders with influence not only in our part of the world, but all over the world. This is the only way we can be credible. This is the only way we can be effective. This is the only way for us to succeed.
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